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Mitch McConnell lost control of the national emergency vote and his finals.

Mitch McConnell.

Mitch McConnell Senate's Majority Leader speaks to members of the media on Capitol Hill on February 5th.

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Senator Mitch McConnell's Major General on Monday acknowledged that he was doing mathematics and losing: The Senate will vote to end the national crisis of President Donald Trump on the southern border. McConnell's Appreciation by Senator Kentuckian Rand Paul Announces Weekend Announces 51street a vote is needed to prevent the President's legally dubious maneuver. The last beat will probably be higher.

"I think it is clear in the Senate," McConnell told reporters in Kentucky: "There will be enough votes to reject the rejection decision that the president will then reject, and the veto will certainly be acceptable in the house. “It's all right. The White House has already issued an official veto threat, and the House has not come close to the guilty majority when it adopted its decision last week.

Even if Congress finally can't block Trump, it doesn't feel like McConnell. That is why he did not want the President to declare a national emergency when Senate Republicans have to choose between their principles and the president in a bright spotlight that could otherwise focus on a more valuable political space. front row.

As a morally flexible legislator, McConnell thinks less about law and the wrong relationship than opposing competition. McConnell could say that personally, he was a little anxious that the president would steal the money elsewhere to build a wall. But what makes me really worried is that she knows some of her members quite is definitely about protecting the constitutional power of the congressional zone, or quite firmly to win a re-election in purple in 2020.

When Republicans read federal papers to explain the problem that other Republicans are doing, McConnell's Agenda It derailed.

Therefore, when McConnell advised Trump at the beginning of the year to report a non-national emergency, his main argument was not to violate Mitch McConnell's sacred constitutional principles or to give a new way to the next democratic president to deal with climate change. It was a question of distributing it and the division would be well documented.

"The Senate's Majority Leader Mitch McConnell warned President Trump this week about the consequences of reporting a national emergency in the construction of a border wall," announced Washington Post on February 1, "told him that the move could cause political kickback and share the GOP. – And he was right.

The Senate Republicans, who have already acted against the national emergency, have not done quietly. Paul, who announced his decision in the editorial office of Fox News, wrote that "I would literally lose my political soul if I decide to consider President Trump different from President Obama," and that "the only way to be a sincere official is for the same regardless of who is in power. “If Mitch McConnell reads this, then everything he sees is one of the senators who call most senators an unfair officer.

North Carolina, Thom Tillis, who moves to the center before his re-election campaign, wrote that he was opposed to the same principles as the Obama. Susan Collins, Senate of Maine, who joined the Democrats to present the Senate version of the rejection resolution, explains this situation to James Madison. When Republicans read James Madison in federal papers to explain the problem that other Republicans are doing, Mitch McConnell's schedule was eliminated.

In the coming days, McConnell will watch the critical members of the Republican Senate decide to share the baby. Does Senator Colorado, Cory Gardner, make himself the president's enemy, or does the appropriate general election decision in the lean-blue state? Does Ted Cruz, Texas, follow Paul Paul or deliver the punchline to the Constitution? Marco Rubio, who was formerly a loud opponent of the national emergency, adds a new entry to his cave list?

These kind of non-winning decisions that McConnell hoped to protect his conference. In a world where Trump decided not to continue with the national emergency, the weak policy of the "wall" debate would eventually turn backwards. McConnell would use upstairs to compare democracies, not the other way around, forcing them to vote again for a "ban on cows" or for health insurance supported by the employer.

It could have been a happier, alternative dimension. McConnell saw that he was facing his eyes when he announced on February 14, on the Senate floor, that the President would declare a national emergency and agreed to support him.

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